An Argument against Ronen Bergman’s 'The Secret War with Iran' – 10

Iranian journalist and expert Abbas Salimi Namin has disproved the claims and opinions of Israeli analyst Ronen Bergman in the book ‘The Secret War with Iran’. ‘The Secret War with Iran’, written by renowned Zionist journalist Ronen Bergman, was published in 2008 by Simon & Schuster publishing company in the United States.

Born in 1972, Bergman is a graduate of Tel Aviv University in the Middle East political relations. He is a famous Zionist journalist and analyst in the military and security fields who has worked with Israeli newspapers ‘Haaretz’ and ‘Yedioth Ahronoth’, American dailies and weeklies such as ‘The New York Times’, ‘Newsweek’, ‘The Wall street Journal’, and British media groups including ‘The Guardian’ and ‘The Times’.

Bergman has been interested in topics relating to the enemies of the Zionist regime (particularly Iran, Hezbollah and the Palestinian resistance groups), as well as subjects on the history of the Israeli regime’s assassination operations, which are cited in his recent book ‘Rise and Kill First’.

In an interview with Persian TV channel ‘Iran International’, Bergman has pointed to the Iranian nuclear program and the issues surrounding it -particularly the Zionist regime’s secret attempts to halt the process of nuclear activities in Iran and assassinate Iranian scientists. He has also cited ex-CIA chief Michael Hayden as saying that the assassination of nuclear scientists is the best way to impede Iran’s growing process in that field, and has implicitly held Israel responsible for it.

In the book ‘The Secret War with Iran’, Bergman has written a history of encounters between Iran and the Zionist regime, while the bulk of the book relates to the Lebanese Hezbollah -Iran’s main ally in the battle against the Zionist regime since its formation until the 33-day War- focusing on the role of Martyr Imad Mughniyeh.

His book also includes sections about the final years of the Pahlavi regime and victory of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, short periods of the war imposed by the Ba’thist party of Iraq on Iran (focusing on the McFarlane affair), Iran’s role in supporting the Palestinian groups, and the Iranian nuclear program.

Bergman’s multiple undocumented and untrue comments as well as personal and purposeful analyses (with the main purpose of displaying Israel’s power, especially in a competition with the US) that have repeatedly come in his book make a critical review of the book necessary for Iranian readers.

Director of the Iran History Studies and Compilation Bureau, Abbas Salimi Namin, has written an extensive criticism in a book about ‘The Secret War with Iran’. Born in 1954, Salimi Namin is an experienced journalist and a renowned Iranian researcher in history and political sciences who has published many articles and books.

About ‘The Secret War with Iran’

Part 10:

Once more, based on admissions by Israeli sources, including Haaretz newspaper, before the nationwide revolt in Iran, 50 Iranian oil cargos were transferred by this pipeline, without any money being paid. It means that the Zionists had received the money for so much oil from the Europeans, but they did not pay Iran. The oil received then was worth totally $1.2 billion. Entirely owned by the Zionists now, Trans-Asiatic was recently ordered by a court of arbitration in Switzerland to pay that sum to National Iranian Oil Company (NIOC), but it filed appeal. Switzerland’s highest court – Swiss Federal Tribunal – issued its final verdict on June 27, 2020, but Haaretz was the only Israeli largely-circulated newspaper to announce the news, citing a legal journal. According to Haaretz, NIOC had won the case in two other courts of arbitration before the Swiss tribunal rendered its verdict. However, the Zionists have refused to settle their debts to Iran. To know the value of unpaid sums at that time based on the purchasing power, “large-scale pipe-laying project and construction of terminals and pumping stations” were estimated to cost $50 to $60 million as Israel’s ambassador says. The Zionists were paid for 50 supertanker cargoes from the Europeans at that time, but today despite condemnation in several international tribunals, they refuse to settle their debts with NIOC after five decades. Such injustice and infringement of the rights of the Iranian nation are such widespread that discussing all aspects would take too much time. However, some points are highlighted. For instance, in the memoirs of the last head of Tehran’s Mossad branch, we run across cases where Savak intervenes to silence creditors. “The Iranian partner of this company (Farm Chemicalem) had seized the passports of these 20 Israelis, demanding that the Israeli partner settle its debts immediately. The conditions had become tough. The Israelis felt the conditions were unstable and they had to leave as soon as possible, but the Iranian side insisted on its position. When I was asked to intervene, I tried to convince Savak and the Iranian Foreign Ministry to intervene so that this gentleman would understand that it would be inhumane to endanger the life of 20 humans because of financial disputes…”. (Big Satan, Small Satan, Eliezer Tsafrir, translated by Farnoosh Ram, Autumn 2007, Ketab Corps., Los Angeles, p. 238)

Or the volume of the Zionists’ swindling of Iranian businesspeople was so high that Israel’s ambassador has resorted to unbelievable stories to justify it. “One day a prominent businessman in Tehran came to my office. After relating a story with enthusiasm, he said: ‘I know him (a Jewish dealer) for 20 years. He was never dishonest to me. I paid him IRR 12 million to buy me some materials. I have no news of him for several months now. I heard from his neighbors that he has moved to Israel with family.” (Festschrift, Meir Ezri, translated by Abraham Hakhami, printed in Beit ul-Moqaddas, 2000, vol. 2, p. 149)

The ambassador has resorted to fabricating stories in order to justify the Zionists’ fraudulent acts in Iran before moving to Israel. He claims that the creditors had agreed to discontinue follow-up on regaining their money. “One day, I called in the Jewish family who had not kept their promise for a face-to-face meeting with the Iranian businessman at Israel’s diplomatic mission in Tehran. The Iranian party wrote off the Jew’s debt and said with enthusiasm and teary eyes: “Everything for you, like your own mother’s milk. May God, the Compassionate, the Merciful, protect you. Just promise me to not break the law in your own country. Never forget God-loving Iranians in your prayers.” (Ibid, p. 150)

It is not clear how the Iranian businessman was influenced by the Israeli ambassador to no longer demand his money and say instead “For you, like your own mother’s milk”! Such fabrications by the political representative of the occupying regime of al-Quds to change the mindset recall the story of a mother who did not make food with what her son brought home on the grounds that he was a thief. But one day, the son came home carrying food on him. He asked his mother to eat, saying it was not out of ill-gotten wealth. The mother was surprised, saying how he had earned something other than ill-gotten wealth. The son said: “I got it from someone. I beat him to the point that he said it was for me. You can have it now mum!”

The head of Tehran’s Mossad office, the ambassador of Israel and other Zionists were plundering Iran’s national wealth and then backed by Savak and other centers of suppression, they pressured any objector so that he would give everything off and only wish that would not happen in the country the Israelis have occupied. Or like the case of the Iranian partner of Pharm Chemicalem, debts should be forgiven just under the aegis of Savak’s pieces of advice. Despite having their hands in Iran’s national wealth, the Zionists did not spare even their own ally and did not care even for the highest administrative organ in the country.

“One such incident occurred during the tenure of Meir Ezri, when the government of Switzerland lodged a protest against the Imperial Iranian Air Force for attempting to sell some old World War weapons through Geneva to an African state the Swiss had blacklisted. The Shah's principal advisor for military procurement, Deputy Defense Minister General Hassan Toufanian, conducted his own investigation, fully aware that all military hardware bought and sold by any branch of the Imperial Iranian Armed Forces had to be on his letterhead and his signature. Upon reviewing the end-user certificate that was presented to the Swiss government on behalf of the Imperial Iranian Air Force, he realized that it was on the Chief of the Imperial Iranian Air Force's letterhead, the late General Khatam, and therefore a forgery.” (The Pragmatic Entente: Israeli-Iranian Relations, 1948-1988. Sohrab Sobhani, Los Angeles, 1989, p. 188)

That is while the Israelis had plundered Iran everywhere and did not shy away from forgery whose product was further loss of credit for Pahlavi regime officials across the globe. It is impossible to cover up the entire Iranian society’s objection to the insatiable greed of the Zionists. Even the Israeli ambassador acknowledges this fact. For instance, Ayatollah Khoei, whose approach was different from Imam Khomeini and rarely objected to political issues, did not remain indifferent on this issue and released a statement to protest. The Israeli ambassador’s account of Ayatollah Khoei’s position on the plundering of Iran’s wealth is as follows: “In Ayatollah Khoei’s statement released in Autumn 1962, there were many objections to the administrative organs of the country over 40 years. He, however, never mentioned the Shah. Without naming Israel, the statement took this country to task, saying: ‘How can a small nation established for opposition to Islam transform our country into its zone of influence?.. An agent from that same nation who was the son of a peddler has been promoted to high positions and is watching our publications, launched TV station and taking large sums of money from the Treasury.’ Ayatollah Khoei must have meant Sabet Pasal.” (Festschrift, Meir Ezri, translated by Abraham Hakhami, printed in Beit ul-Moqaddas, 2000, vol. 1, p. 307)

When Ayatollah Khoei who refrained from state affairs could no longer remain silent, one should wonder how the Zionists plundered Iran to make him change tack. Of course the Israeli ambassador acknowledges the Zionists’ pillage of Iranian wealth. “Unfortunately, the fortune made by some in Tehran and other cities became a source of envoy for a lazy group. Some state organs informed me of letters of complaint. In these letters, the writers swore at Jews, accusing them of smuggling national wealth out of the country, taking money illegally out, cooperating with the enemies of Iran. I sat with the late Hoveyda (Prime Minister) and Alam (Royal Court Minister) to find a solution. I told them about the unhappy fate of such smear campaign and asked him to inform the king of this issue…Some time after these organized attacks, journalists focused on some Jewish businesspeople, accusing them of having sold archeological remnants from Iran to museums and businesspeople across the world. They did not cease to swear at the Jews.” (Ibid, vol. 1, p. 225)

Distribution of night leaflets dates from the 1960s. In the 1970s, the Zionists’ greed increases sharply as oil prices are multiplied and everything is prepared for pillage. Regarding distortion of Iran’s ancient history and the plundering of artefacts, separate discussions would come in the following chapters. Meanwhile, Iran’s agriculture was virtually destroyed and Iran’s economy became monocultural, relying only on oil revenue in a bid to prevent any repetition of the petroleum industry nationalization. Therefore, Imam Khomeini, while leading opposition to plundering and inhumane acts of the Zionists, was reflecting the words of various walks of life in Iran. That cost him dearly and he was sentenced to death, which was commuted to exile due to national protests. The Imam was speaking for people’s heart and his popularity grew significantly. The Zionists never dared make any attempt on his life.